The complex, often unaccountable EU decision-making procedures and the lack of a truly European public debate make Brussels into a paradise for corporate lobbyists. Brussels now competes with Washington D.C. as the global capital of lobbying.
The Brussels corporate lobbying scene numbers well over 1,000 lobby groups plus hundreds of public relations companies and law firms offering lobbying services, dozens of corporate-funded thinktanks as well as several hundred 'EU
affairs' offices, run by individual corporations. Of the over 15,000 professional lobbyists estimated to work in Brussels, a
clear majority represents the interests of big business. Social and environmental groups, although increasingly represented in Brussels, cannot match the financial and organisational power mobilised by industry. The European chemical industry federation CEFIC, alone for example, has
more lobbyists in Brussels than all environmental organisations together. The European Commission, which has the exclusive right to propose and develop new EU legislation, is one of the main targets for lobbyists. But as the European Parliament's powers have gradually increased, more and more lobbyists are active there. Who are They Lobbying?
The European Commission has the exclusive power to propose new EU legislation, and the mandate to control the implementation
of EU regulations. While the Commission is often perceived as untransparent and unaccountable, things are actually far worse in the Council of Ministers. Via the Council, national governments have the final say over legislative proposals made by the Commission, decisions made behind closed doors. An estimated 90% of Council decisions are taken by the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Coreper), made up of the Member States' ambassadors to the EU, before the ministers even meet. Major decisions on the EU's future development are made by the European Council, attended by presidents and prime ministers
of the 25 member states. The powers of the once-feeble European Parliament have grown significantly in the last
decades. On many issues, though still far from all, it now has powers to approve, block or adapt proposals coming from the European Commission, comparable to the role of the Council of Ministers. Big Oil In Europe
Exxon-Mobil fuels the work of 'climate sceptic' think tanks and lobby groups in North America - and Europe. According to the Worldwide Giving Report published annually by the ExxonMobil headquarters in the US, the oil giant distributed $2,9 million to 39 such groups. With these donations, ExxonMobil wants to create the impression that climate scepticism comes from respectable sources. In Europe the company has in previousyears provided funds at least to the International Policy Network, the Centre for The New Europe, TCSDaily.com and the International Council for Capital Formation, the latter three are based in Brussels, and all are ardent opponents of the EU's efforts to combat climate change. In 2005 ExxonMobil funded the climate change programs of Centre for The New Europe and the International Policy
Network for $50,000 and $130,000 respectively. The Lisbon Council (a think tank promoting a neoliberal reform agenda)
website mentions that it received donations from ExxonMobil - something not been mentioned in Exxon's own report. The same goes for the Stockholm Network, a pan-European alliance of radical free-marketeers with a strong focus on EU policy-making. At least three other Brussels think tanks (EPC, CEPS and Friends of Europe) refer to ExxonMobil as a corporate member, which implies a fee of between 5,500 and 30,000 euro per year. Other climate-skeptical think tanks based in Brussels that are believed to have received ExxonMobil's funds are the European Enterprise Institute (EEI), and Institut Economique Molinari (a very active climate-skeptical think tank with close links to the Centre for The New Europe). These two groups are unwilling to put their cards on the table and neither have answered CEO's repeated requests for disclosure. In summer 2005 the EEI had promised to publish its sources of funding before the end of the year, but it has never followed through. Péter Mihók of the Institut Economique Molinari simply wrote back with the message that funding sources are kept confidential and it is up to the donors to decide whether or not to disclose this information. This page has been adapted from material prviously published by CEO. Full versions can be seen at www.corporateeurope.org/do cs/lobbycracy/lobbyplanet.pdf and www.corporateeurope.org/ThinkTankSurvey2006.html
affairs' offices, run by individual corporations. Of the over 15,000 professional lobbyists estimated to work in Brussels, a
clear majority represents the interests of big business. Social and environmental groups, although increasingly represented in Brussels, cannot match the financial and organisational power mobilised by industry. The European chemical industry federation CEFIC, alone for example, has
more lobbyists in Brussels than all environmental organisations together. The European Commission, which has the exclusive right to propose and develop new EU legislation, is one of the main targets for lobbyists. But as the European Parliament's powers have gradually increased, more and more lobbyists are active there. Who are They Lobbying?
The European Commission has the exclusive power to propose new EU legislation, and the mandate to control the implementation
of EU regulations. While the Commission is often perceived as untransparent and unaccountable, things are actually far worse in the Council of Ministers. Via the Council, national governments have the final say over legislative proposals made by the Commission, decisions made behind closed doors. An estimated 90% of Council decisions are taken by the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Coreper), made up of the Member States' ambassadors to the EU, before the ministers even meet. Major decisions on the EU's future development are made by the European Council, attended by presidents and prime ministers
of the 25 member states. The powers of the once-feeble European Parliament have grown significantly in the last
decades. On many issues, though still far from all, it now has powers to approve, block or adapt proposals coming from the European Commission, comparable to the role of the Council of Ministers. Big Oil In Europe
Exxon-Mobil fuels the work of 'climate sceptic' think tanks and lobby groups in North America - and Europe. According to the Worldwide Giving Report published annually by the ExxonMobil headquarters in the US, the oil giant distributed $2,9 million to 39 such groups. With these donations, ExxonMobil wants to create the impression that climate scepticism comes from respectable sources. In Europe the company has in previousyears provided funds at least to the International Policy Network, the Centre for The New Europe, TCSDaily.com and the International Council for Capital Formation, the latter three are based in Brussels, and all are ardent opponents of the EU's efforts to combat climate change. In 2005 ExxonMobil funded the climate change programs of Centre for The New Europe and the International Policy
Network for $50,000 and $130,000 respectively. The Lisbon Council (a think tank promoting a neoliberal reform agenda)
website mentions that it received donations from ExxonMobil - something not been mentioned in Exxon's own report. The same goes for the Stockholm Network, a pan-European alliance of radical free-marketeers with a strong focus on EU policy-making. At least three other Brussels think tanks (EPC, CEPS and Friends of Europe) refer to ExxonMobil as a corporate member, which implies a fee of between 5,500 and 30,000 euro per year. Other climate-skeptical think tanks based in Brussels that are believed to have received ExxonMobil's funds are the European Enterprise Institute (EEI), and Institut Economique Molinari (a very active climate-skeptical think tank with close links to the Centre for The New Europe). These two groups are unwilling to put their cards on the table and neither have answered CEO's repeated requests for disclosure. In summer 2005 the EEI had promised to publish its sources of funding before the end of the year, but it has never followed through. Péter Mihók of the Institut Economique Molinari simply wrote back with the message that funding sources are kept confidential and it is up to the donors to decide whether or not to disclose this information. This page has been adapted from material prviously published by CEO. Full versions can be seen at www.corporateeurope.org/do cs/lobbycracy/lobbyplanet.pdf and www.corporateeurope.org/ThinkTankSurvey2006.html
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